Who decided that Pakistan would be a parliamentary democracy, and when did that vision begin to erode?
Why was the Objectives Resolution of 1949 passed without consensus—and did it sow the seeds of exclusion rather than unity?
Why was Prime Minister Liaquat Ali Khan assassinated in 1951—and who truly benefitted from his removal at such a critical juncture?
Why did Governor General Ghulam Muhammad dissolve the first Constituent Assembly in 1954, and how did the judiciary justify this act in the Maulvi Tamizuddin Khan case?
Who empowered unelected bureaucrats and military officials to dominate a state created through electoral logic and mass mobilization?
Why did Pakistan operate without a constitution for nine years—and who authored the 1956 Constitution only to see it abrogated within two years?
Why did General Ayub Khan seize power in 1958 with the promise of "guided democracy" and then declare himself President for life?
Why did Zulfikar Ali Bhutto call Ayub Khan “Daddy,” and what does it reveal about the patron-client dynamics that defined Pakistan's power structure?
Why did Bhutto, in April 1958, write to Major General Iskander Mirza, “When the history of our Country is written by objective Historians, your name will be placed even before that of Mr. Jinnah... I do not think I could be found guilty of the charge of flattery”—was this ambition, opportunism, or elite consensus?¹
Who authored the 1962 Constitution, and why did it replace parliamentary democracy with a centralized presidential model backed by Basic Democracies?
Why was Fatima Jinnah, the “Mother of the Nation,” labeled a traitor when she contested the 1965 election against Ayub Khan?
Why did General Yahya Khan fail to prevent the dismemberment of Pakistan despite overseeing the first general elections in 1970?
Why was Mujibur Rahman denied the premiership despite his party's clear majority—and who was responsible for launching Operation Searchlight?
Why was Bhutto appointed Prime Minister after 1971, and did he inherit power or was it handed over as a consolation prize after a national breakup?
Why did Bhutto centralize power despite authoring the 1973 Constitution promising federal democracy?
Why did the military and judiciary enable his removal and execution in 1979—and why did the Supreme Court admit 40 years later that it was a “judicial murder”?
Why was General Zia-ul-Haq's Islamization policy treated as a divine mission, and who institutionalized blasphemy laws that still haunt Pakistan’s minorities?
What were the real terms of Benazir Bhutto's negotiations with General Zia before her return from exile—and why are they missing from mainstream narratives?
Why is the fact that 10 lakh people welcomed Benazir in 1986 in Lahore Airport forgotten, while her political compromises with Zia’s remnants are not?
Who brought Muhammad Khan Junejo to power in 1985 and dismissed him in 1988, and why?
Who created the IJI (Islami Jamhoori Ittehad) in 1988 to counter Benazir Bhutto—and who funded its campaigns as revealed in the Asghar Khan case?
Why did democratic governments in the 1990s repeatedly fall within two years—due to corruption, incompetence, or covert establishment interventions?
Why did the military facilitate Nawaz Sharif’s rise in the 1990s, only to depose him in 1999?
Why was the judiciary compliant in endorsing every military coup under the “doctrine of necessity”?
What exactly was the National Reconciliation Ordinance (NRO), and why did it offer immunity to both military allies and political dynasties?
How did Benazir Bhutto die in 2007, and who failed to ensure her safety despite clear threats?
What role did General Ashfaq Parvez Kayani play in shaping Pakistan’s post-Musharraf transition—was it really a return to civilian supremacy?
Why did the Zardari government avoid reversing constitutional distortions, yet survive its full term?
Who choreographed the rise of Imran Khan post-2011—was it organic popularity, or manufactured dissent?
Why was the 2014 sit-in allowed to paralyze Islamabad for 126 days without consequences—was it protest or soft coup?
How did military-led media management shape public perception from 2015 onward, and why were dissenting voices silenced?
What happened in the 2018 elections: were they free and fair, or calibrated to install a “selected” leadership?
What role did General Qamar Javed Bajwa and General Faiz Hameed allegedly play in tilting the 2018 outcome?
Who decided that Imran Khan would be “brought in” in 2018 and then “taken out” in 2022—on what constitutional basis?
Why was the hybrid experiment of 2018–2022 launched, and why did it collapse under its own contradictions?
Why was the PTI dismantled in 2023 through mass arrests, defections, and media blackouts—if it had failed, why not let the public reject it electorally?
Why is Nawaz Sharif being rebranded as a national statesman in 2024—by public will or elite design?
Why does the political arena continue to revolve around the same three families—Bhutto, Sharif, and now Khan—while the voter remains a spectator?
Why has the Constitution’s promise of local government, devolution, and grassroots empowerment never been sincerely implemented?
Why do Pakistan’s courts frequently vacillate between judicial activism and silent obedience—depending on the mood of the men in uniform?
Why are journalists abducted, channels blacked out, and critics forced into exile—if democracy is supposedly functioning?
Why has no prime minister in Pakistan’s history ever completed a full term—by accident, or by design?
Why does the Constitution declare that “sovereignty belongs to Allah and is to be exercised by the people”, yet the people remain powerless?
What exactly is a “hybrid regime”—and if today is hybrid, what was the system in 2008? In 1997? In 1985? In 1958?
When will power finally be shared with the people of Pakistan at the grassroots level?
Answer: Perhaps never. Unless the questions stop being questions.
¹ Zulfikar Ali Bhutto to Major General Iskander Mirza, April 1958. Quoted in Zulfi Bhutto of Pakistan by Stanley Wolpert, Chapter 5: Apprenticeship to Power (1958–1963). Original letter held in Bhutto Family Letters Archive (BFLA).